James Hardy, London and Sean O'Connor, Indiana - IHS Jane's Defence Weekly
25 September 2014

IHS Jane's has obtained satellite imagery that further illustrates the extent of China's building of new islands in the Spratly Islands.

The latest image shows a new island on Gaven Reefs, known in the Philippines as the Burgos Reef, in Vietnam as Dá Ga Ven and Dá Lc and in China as Nanxun Jiao and Xinan Jiao.

China previously built a concrete platform that sat above the reef on its western side. This structure was fortified and housed anti-air and naval gun systems, along with communications equipment.

However, Airbus Defence and Space satellite imagery dated 31 March and 7 August 2014 shows that between these two dates a channel was cut out of the centre of Gaven Reefs and the resultant rubble deposited to create a rectangular island that is about 300 m by 250 m.
jane's

Juan L Mercado
Philippine Daily Inquirer September 17, 2014 1:00 am



Having missed out on the prime real estate, China is constructing its own
What do you do when all the seats are taken?

The Philippines, Vietnam, Taiwan and Malaysia control real islands in the South China Sea. "China came very late to this party and missed out on all the good real estate," writes the BBC's Rupert Wingfield-Hayes in a report last week headlined "China's Island Factory". So, Beijing is creating new islands of its own.

Beijing today seeks "to dominate sea-space within the first island chain", Wingfield-Hayes writes. That chain runs from Borneo's coast, past Taiwan, to southern Japan. It is, in Beijing's opinion, China's backyard.

"But in the longer term, China wants to move beyond the Philippines and southern Japan to the 'second island chain'. That stretches from Palau, Guam and Northern Mariana Islands. … This will be a seismic shift in the Western Pacific's balance of power.

"Now, for the first time, a new power is emerging with the will and means to challenge America's military dominance. It is unlikely to be a smooth ride."

Recent Philippine Navy photos document land reclamation work carried out by China since January. It is building new islands on five different reefs. They are creating "new facts on the ground".

Beijing's belated "nine-dash line" map sweeps in a tongue-shaped expanse up to the coasts of the Philippines, Vietnam and even Borneo. For decades, China did little to enforce this vague and sweeping claim on maritime territory. But now, its Communist Party has reclassified the South China Sea as a "core national interest". That lumps it with Taiwan and Tibet and means China is prepared to fight to defend it.

Manila lacks military muscle. So the Philippines brought its case to the United Nations, seeking a ruling based on the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (Unclos). Unclos usually accords coastal states an exclusive economic zone up to 200 nautical miles from their coastline. An Unclos ruling would be good for the Philippines - though Beijing has made it clear it will not be bound by any ruling.

This is not just a quarrel with the Philippines and other countries bordering the sea, its resources or even strategic space, let alone sovereignty, Wingfield-Hayes notes. Instead, it is about China's real strategic rival: the United States.

Washington does not acknowledge China's claim. And the US Pacific fleet sails regularly through these waters. Almost a third of global crude oil and over half of global liquefied gas pass yearly from African and Persian Gulf suppliers, through the South China Sea, to Asian consumers.

China's Monroe Doctrine

The "Monroe Doctrine" of 1823 identified the Western hemisphere - notably the Caribbean Sea - as America's backyard. Old European colonial powers were told to keep out. "Today, China is doing something very similar in the East and South China seas," Wingfield-Hayes writes.

Last week, Manila displayed ancient maps documenting the history of China's sea claims. From the Song Dynasty in year 960 until end of the Qing Dynasty in 1912, China's southernmost territory was always Hainan island, just off the Chinese coast, explained Philippine officials. All five constitutions of China make that point. None include, for instance, Scarborough Shoal, which China seized in June 2012.

Philippine Supreme Court Justice Antonio Carpio, who has done extensive research on this territorial dispute, notes: The facts "can restrain extreme nationalism … [and] give hope to a just and durable settlement of disputes".

Indeed, these waters are dotted "with strange little military outposts and civilian colonies", Wingfield-Hayes notes, making it hard to decipher which is which and who controls what. The disputed Pagasa was called Thitu Island; in Chinese it is Zhongye Dao, and Dao Thi Tu in Vietnamese.

Johnson South Reef is dubbed Chi Gua, Yongshu, Gac Ma to Mabini Reef. And so it goes for dozens of other islets, even sandbars. The Philippines has nine outposts, Vietnam eight and Malaysia seven - like China, at last tally. Taiwan has a sprawling air base in the biggest island in the disputed Spratlys archipelago.

Ayungin Reef is 120 nautical miles from the coast of the Philippines. That puts it well within the Philippines' claimed 200-nautical mile exclusive economic zone. It is more than 800 nautical miles from the Chinese coast. And yet Beijing claims that this submerged reef is an integral part of Chinese territory.

Pagasa is halfway between Palawan and Vietnam. An eccentric Filipino businessman landed there in 1956 and declared it "Freedomland". Tomas Cloma was arrested and forced to hand over "his country" by Philippine dictator Ferdinand Marcos, who paid a token one peso for the territory.

Marcos built concrete bunkers along the shoreline plus anti-aircraft gun emplacements. Only the airstrip remains usable. There are 30 Philippine Marines based on Pagasa. They won't be able to stop the People's Liberation Army if it decides to clear them out.

Pagasa's most important asset lies at the far end of the island - a ramshackle village of about 30 families. Filipino civilians started coming in the late 1970s and gradually built a little colony. "We get a free house, a job and free food," said one. "And there is a school for our children."

Like Manila, Hanoi is settling civilians on several of the islets it controls. Civilian colonies certainly make military confrontation more difficult and less palatable.

"Shooting soldiers, as China did at Johnson South in 1988, is one thing. Shooting women and children is quite another. Whether these heavily subsidised microcolonies really strengthen legal claims to places like Pagasa has yet to be tested," Wingfield-Hayes writes. "Clearly, Manila and Hanoi believe they do."
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